Mongolia travels the distance to its magic moment
There are few places on earth as beguiling to visitors as Mongolia. Virtually everything about the place represents a seeming contradiction and a rare potential. Surrounded by undemocratic Russia and Communist China and with virtually no legacy of pluralism, Mongolia has nevertheless built an emerging democracy and this year played successful host to a global gathering for the Community of Democracies. Now a peaceful nation with a small military that has supported 15 peacekeeping missions around the world over the past decade, Mongol hordes under the command of Genghis Khan once conquered most of the known world.
Mongolia has moved exceedingly slowly to develop the most extensive deposits of globally necessary minerals and high quality coal that it possesses. The nation recognises that responsible exploitation and management of these reserves will make it a wealthy country able to spread prosperity to its people. And despite a heritage distinct from much of Asia, Mongolia nevertheless has become a vibrant member of the continent’s emerging community.
All of this is attractive or intriguing to outsiders, and indeed Mongolia has served as an unlikely magnet for modern American diplomats. The former US secretary of state James Baker fell in love with the country while practising Mongolian archery out on a vast steppe and would find regular reasons for consultations with leaders there. Mongolian officials held a festive dinner with former secretary of state Hillary Clinton in a traditional ger in 2010. And Vice-President Joe Biden is still trying to figure out what to do with the Mongolian horse given to him by the president of Mongolia during his visit there last year.
It is true that other stops on the continent’s new silk road have received more attention as part of the American pivot to Asia – high-stakes diplomacy with China, an unprecedented opening to Myanmar, closer dialogue with allies such as Japan and South Korea, and a comprehensive engagement with southeast Asian nations, including Indonesia and Vietnam. However, few countries have been lavished with more US attention and encouragement than Mongolia. There were several senior official trips to the respective capitals, formal strategic dialogues were inaugurated, and President Tsakhia Elbegdorj had an overnight stay at Blair House in Washington and a meeting with President Barack Obama in the Oval Office.
Much of this intense diplomatic activity was predicated on supporting Mongolia’s “third neighbour” policy, a determination on the part of Ulan Bator to diversify its foreign policy engagements beyond the occasionally constricting and oppressive interactions with its near neighbours, Russia and China. The US made clear its strong desire to work more closely with Mongolia on promoting business and commercial ties, at integrating the country more into the global mainstream of diplomacy, and to find opportunities for more cultural and personal ties. Both sides remain optimistic about the potentials in all these areas.
Still, after a few false starts and fitful progress, there is a renewed energy in Washington to take the relationship to the next level. Negotiations on a Transparency Agreement, a hallmark of Mongolia’s effort to confront corruption and promote greater openness in business practices, have languished (despite regular reassurances that it is almost done). A diverse collection of companies in the mining and extraction industries have negotiated in good faith for years with little apparent progress on equitable and environmentally responsible arrangements that would bring remarkable growth to Mongolia. In many ways, a stronger and more durable US-Mongolia relationship will be underwritten by the success and investment of American companies. In almost every case progress has been stymied, and even many earlier agreements and legally binding contracts have been challenged.
There are many reasons for some Mongolian hesitation to embrace closer relations with the US, ranging from some jealousies in Moscow and Beijing, a rise of resource nationalism, and a period of intense political infighting. However, Mongolia has just emerged from a decisive election that returned the Democratic party and Mr Elbegdorj to power. Early signals coming out of Ulan Bator indicate that the re-elected president and his team of ministers and senior government officials want to finally move consequentially to develop stronger ties with the US and other key nations such as Japan and South Korea.
This is a welcome turn but in truth we have heard much of this before. The US has made clear its desire to partner with Mongolia, and underscored that it wants to work with China and Russia to help unlock the country’s potential, so there is no reason to see the proud desert nation as a point of strategic competition. Washington stands ready to take the next steps; is Mongolia finally ready to respond?
Kurt Campbell
The writer is chairman and chief executive of The Asia Group and on the board of the Center for a New American Security. From 2009-13 he served as the assistant US secretary of state for east Asian and Pacific affairs
Mongolia has moved exceedingly slowly to develop the most extensive deposits of globally necessary minerals and high quality coal that it possesses. The nation recognises that responsible exploitation and management of these reserves will make it a wealthy country able to spread prosperity to its people. And despite a heritage distinct from much of Asia, Mongolia nevertheless has become a vibrant member of the continent’s emerging community.
All of this is attractive or intriguing to outsiders, and indeed Mongolia has served as an unlikely magnet for modern American diplomats. The former US secretary of state James Baker fell in love with the country while practising Mongolian archery out on a vast steppe and would find regular reasons for consultations with leaders there. Mongolian officials held a festive dinner with former secretary of state Hillary Clinton in a traditional ger in 2010. And Vice-President Joe Biden is still trying to figure out what to do with the Mongolian horse given to him by the president of Mongolia during his visit there last year.
It is true that other stops on the continent’s new silk road have received more attention as part of the American pivot to Asia – high-stakes diplomacy with China, an unprecedented opening to Myanmar, closer dialogue with allies such as Japan and South Korea, and a comprehensive engagement with southeast Asian nations, including Indonesia and Vietnam. However, few countries have been lavished with more US attention and encouragement than Mongolia. There were several senior official trips to the respective capitals, formal strategic dialogues were inaugurated, and President Tsakhia Elbegdorj had an overnight stay at Blair House in Washington and a meeting with President Barack Obama in the Oval Office.
Much of this intense diplomatic activity was predicated on supporting Mongolia’s “third neighbour” policy, a determination on the part of Ulan Bator to diversify its foreign policy engagements beyond the occasionally constricting and oppressive interactions with its near neighbours, Russia and China. The US made clear its strong desire to work more closely with Mongolia on promoting business and commercial ties, at integrating the country more into the global mainstream of diplomacy, and to find opportunities for more cultural and personal ties. Both sides remain optimistic about the potentials in all these areas.
Still, after a few false starts and fitful progress, there is a renewed energy in Washington to take the relationship to the next level. Negotiations on a Transparency Agreement, a hallmark of Mongolia’s effort to confront corruption and promote greater openness in business practices, have languished (despite regular reassurances that it is almost done). A diverse collection of companies in the mining and extraction industries have negotiated in good faith for years with little apparent progress on equitable and environmentally responsible arrangements that would bring remarkable growth to Mongolia. In many ways, a stronger and more durable US-Mongolia relationship will be underwritten by the success and investment of American companies. In almost every case progress has been stymied, and even many earlier agreements and legally binding contracts have been challenged.
There are many reasons for some Mongolian hesitation to embrace closer relations with the US, ranging from some jealousies in Moscow and Beijing, a rise of resource nationalism, and a period of intense political infighting. However, Mongolia has just emerged from a decisive election that returned the Democratic party and Mr Elbegdorj to power. Early signals coming out of Ulan Bator indicate that the re-elected president and his team of ministers and senior government officials want to finally move consequentially to develop stronger ties with the US and other key nations such as Japan and South Korea.
This is a welcome turn but in truth we have heard much of this before. The US has made clear its desire to partner with Mongolia, and underscored that it wants to work with China and Russia to help unlock the country’s potential, so there is no reason to see the proud desert nation as a point of strategic competition. Washington stands ready to take the next steps; is Mongolia finally ready to respond?
Kurt Campbell
The writer is chairman and chief executive of The Asia Group and on the board of the Center for a New American Security. From 2009-13 he served as the assistant US secretary of state for east Asian and Pacific affairs
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